BE FREE!
Jan Chesnov, "Zavtra," 1994

© The Chechen Times: May 14, 2003

Chechens have been very "lucky" in Russia. After smashing France in 1812-1814 and defeating the powerful Ottoman Empire (1829), Russia "turned" to Caucasians. Among them Chechens showed the most furious resistance. They were ready to die but not to give up their freedom. This sacred feeling has remained the basis of ethnic Chechen character until the present.

Nicolas I wrote to the commander-in-chief in the Caucasus I.F. Paskevich after the defeat of Turkey: "Thus, having completed one glorious campaign, you are to launch another one, I believe as important, and in terms of direct benefits is even more important - to pacify the mountainous nations once and for all or to exterminate recalcitrants."

These words are familiar to many Chechens. The whole people knows the history of the village of Dadi-Yurt burnt by the tsar troops together with its residents and a similar story of the village of Haibakh in 1944. They know the dead by names. Unlike many Russians, who have a rather vague idea of the wars and the deportations of the Caucasian nations, for the latter this is the live history because many of them were born bearing the status of special migrants. As a result of armed violence each of them lost relatives and their names are not forgotten. Both violence and resistance to it have always been for Chechens the atmosphere in which their personality formed from early childhood.

Can Chechens take the current military blockade of Chechnya differently than a continuation of the Caucasian policy of tsarism? In their political games today's Russian authorities forget who are they dealing with. With people who have never given up their inner freedom, with people whose first salutation sounds like "Be Free!"

True patriots of Russia are not indifferent to this people related to it as the fate willed. Arbitrariness established in Chechnya over the last three years appeared there with consent of Russian authorities. Chechnya lives in misery. And that relates not only to the Russian-speaking population left to the mercy of fate. It relates to Chechens. Children do not go to school. And "democratic" Russia, which kept up the blockade for three years, turned to a military siege of the population of this small republic. If there is an explosion in Moscow, before any investigation "democratic press" writes that Chechens have allegedly unleashed a terrorist war. We witness the fact of sowing national discord. Obviously, in order to prepare public opinion to justify the measures Russia applies in Chechnya to save "democracy and civilization." Chechens are not less civilized than you - those who claim to establish the "order." Were Pushkin, Lermontov, Tolstoy and Bulgakov wrong when they found seeds of deep spirituality in the culture of Chechens?

Spirituality in the Caucasus was brought to the present from ancient times and has been kept due to efforts of many generations. Since the times of Pushkin and Tolstoy the science with respect to the history of vainakhs (Chechens and Ingushs) has made small steps forward. Today we know their ancestors were behind the formation of the human civilization in its initial hotbed in the Middle East. Hurrits, Mittanis and Urartus - were at the roots of vainakh culture. Ancient peoples of Eurasian steppes, probably, included their ancestors because there are still language similarities. For example, with Etruscans and Slavs.

The traditional outlook of vainakhs reveals original monotheism, i.e. the idea of single God. However, only in middle ages, under the Georgian queen Tamara, monotheism in its Christian form spread among vainakhs. Another monotheistic religion - Islam - became a deeply sincere religion over the last 300 years.

The initial monotheism of vainakhs is concealed in rituals, which recently, a century ago, were carried out by priests. It was realized in the ritual of morning coming out to meet the sun. Light comes out of darkness - that is how the metaphysics of vainakhs interpreted the idea of monotheism. As well as ancient Egyptians did. That is what differs vainakh thinking from the ancient Iranian and ancient Chinese ones, where light and darkness are being balanced or equaled to each other.

That was the way of coming from darkness to light. The portrait of Nefertiti is left as a memory of that way. She was brought to Egypt from the country where vainakhs lived and was made queen. Her prominent portrait - is a picture of human soul at the moment when it rushed beyond the body, as light broke out from darkness. And today "soul" in Chechen sounds as "light."

The light of vainakh spirituality was up before young Leo Tolstoy. It was carried by friends-Chechens, Chechen songs he used to write down. Later Tolstoy's "Haji-Murat" began shining as a snow peak above the world literature. Reread it. It will help you to understand what today's mass media write about Chechens. Tolstoy left the Caucasus in 1854 in a spiritual condition which later turned into his study of non-violence. Which circumstances contributed to it? Did the frame of mind of the Islam preacher Kunt-haji Kishiyev reach him while in 1860's it was widely accepted in Chechnya and Ingushetia? We do not know for sure.

Until the present murids, followers of the Kunta-haji order, have stood up for the principles of non-violence and social truth. They organize a circle prayer - zikr - with a rhythmic mentioning of the Almighty. To participate in zikr a man shall put down his personal weapon if he bears it as part of a national costume. On Russian TV a circle zikr is shown to reveal Chechen aggressiveness.

The study of Kunta-haji corresponds to the whole Chechen outlook. We shall point out some ecological sides of the latter. Attitude to land as a living body: in ancient times driving a stake into the ground was considered a sin. If we take something from the ground, it shall return into the ground.

That is one of the reasons why there is a tradition to bring the dead home to bury in a native cemetery. To break a branch for no reason, for fun - was a sin. It was allowed to lash a horse only trice during its life. A special delicate method was used to milk sheep. There was a method to get honey causing no damage to bees. A man who went into the forest - cultivated wild apple trees. There was a sliding instrument to weed corn not to "scare the plant."

Local environment played a considerable role because in the first half of the 19th century Chechnya used to be a blooming garden. It was covered with water-drips. It was a wheat granary not only for Dagestan, wheat was exported to Azerbaijan and even Iran. Which social organization supported this balanced ecological culture? A non-exiting kin? - No. What we freely call kin, Chechen call taip. Before the Caucasian war there were 59 taips in Chechnya, then the number surpassed 100. Today the figure of 164 is cited. The matter is the Caucasian war strengthened the ideology of blood kinship in taips. And then many taips generated new, kindred taips. But initially the taip existed as a land ownership unit. Chechen researchers believe that a menace from the side of lame Timur in the late 14th century made the Chechen society give Chechen citizenship and land ownership to all dependent, usually alien people, in exchange for military solidarity.

Another important reason for establishment of taips - was democratic peasant solidarity. The history of the whole Caucasus approaching the new time was marked by large anti-aristocratic movements. The processes proved especially rapid in 17-18th centuries. Adygis and Svans divided into princely and peasant societies. Whereas Chechens developed the movement to a total expulsion of own and alien (Kabardinian and Dagestani) feudal lords. Taips - served as cells of the anti-feudal resistance.

Until the present taip has been functioning as a guarantor of personality, a rights defender. It is considered a fortress of popular traditions. Centuries ago the system of united self-governed taips formed a common body - a council of the country (Mekhk-Kkhel). It performed the functions of a single military command, regulated public relations, served as a social security body, especially for women and children. The council of the country was not a primitive institution because it had clear state functions. The only thing it lacked to reach the state level - a penitentiary system including prisons. But modern developed countries try to get rid of this institution still remaining states.

So, the Chechen ethnos has existed for centuries with a state of its own. During certain epochs it had feudal features. Medieval Georgian kings entered into dynasty marriages with Dzurdzuks, ancestors of vainakhs. By the time when Russians appeared in the Caucasus Chechens were completing the anti-feudal movement. But they kept the functions of the state as a means of coexistence and self-defense.

The dominance of the tsar Russia and the years of Soviet rule undermined the principles of statehood as the form of social cooperation. In Soviet times taips were used for selfish ends. The struggle of Chechens for freedom after the events of 1991 - is a realization of historical aspirations of the Chechen people. In the past this people managed to carry out an experiment of establishing a mountainous society. This is the way many nations, not only of the Caucasus, followed.

The domestic science of the Soviet period preferred to see no links between national-ethnic and religious processes. But there is a starting point in our tradition expressed in Vladimir Solovyev's words: "... the idea of a nation is not how it sees itself in time, but how God sees it in eternity." Solovyev's analysis of the Russian idea is based on these words. Soloviyev saw the contents of the Russian idea in restoration of a true image of the divine Trinity on the earth. Other Russian philosophers saw the idea differently, it derives from monotheism: all nations need each other in accordance with the earthly divine single will. Marking the old Russian saying "a man shall not be alone" Solovyev continues: "The same relates to any nation."

Thus, the essence of the nation is not in itself, but in a path to the entire mankind. How can that be done having no knowledge about the problems of the Nepalese or the Mozambique nation? Such path to the entire mankind lies in the sphere of religious-moral experience. Often Chechens describe the given idea in the following way: all fingers are different but equally necessary as well as God needs all nations.

Surprisingly enough, although Chechens had a developed notion of "mankind" ("adamalla"), the notion of "Chechenkind" (nokhchalla) is a recent innovation from the side of intellectuals and many still do not accept it. In ancient times wise judgements were usually made on behalf of neighboring peoples. Traditionally a preamble "A Georgian (Kumyk, Nogai) said" was used. This tradition reveals the national Chechen idea recognizing God's will by means of accepting the fact of coexistence of nations.

Modern Chechens have a distinctive feature - many of their names are names of different peoples: Gumki (a Kumyk), Arbi (an Arab), German (A German), Yapon (a Japanese), and the name of Ruslan which is very popular is considered as the name of the Russian nation. These names are also a reflection of the national idea. The absence of Chechen nationalism is noteworthy. Undoubtedly, it results from deep piousness.

The words of Vladimir Solovyev about the nation and God's thinking are based on monotheism thereby undermining attempts of idolatry when some people want nationalistically worship an ethnic image. The fate rescued Chechens from such idolatry. There is a Chechen proverb: "The whole world is motherland to a smart person." It is deeply adequate to Chechen mentality which is open to the world, ready to direct individual's efforts for the benefit of the society that accepts him. 300,000 Chechens live beyond the boundaries of their republic, mostly in Russia. Due to their mentality they are ready for a continuous constructive activity. Labor for the benefit of the vast Russia is also a reflection of the national Chechen idea and a side of piousness.

Finally, nationalism always encroaches upon someone's freedom. It seems Chechen elder understand it well enough: many times the notion of freedom was explained to me by the way of refusing to suppress other people. People often say that to understand it is necessary to "take someone else's place." It is a matter of freedom of mutual responsibility rather than a free anarchy.

Nonetheless, in Chechen understanding freedom is not a balance of contradictory motives of different people. This is not consensus what gives freedom because it appears together with human life. Freedom is a physiological need. Not surprisingly health and freedom of an individual are combined in a Chechen salutation: "Marsh mogush?!" ("Are you in good health, are you free?!")

Leo Tolstoy, who wrote the novel of "Cossacks" under the influence of his Chechen impressions, tried to grasp the nature of freedom. The characters of Terek Cossacks he described in his novel are similar to Chechen characters. The two people are not just neighbors, they are blood related. Tolstoy revealed the absolute contents of freedom rather than a socially conditioned consensus in this respect. The Chechen understanding of freedom, artistically revealed by Tolstoy, and the Russian national idea in its religious interpretation are alike because in both cases the existing circumstances are being overcome and the nations become open to the world and the future.

Freedom is absolute in its origin from the Almighty. But people shall give up freedom in relations to each other being initially free. The Chechen mentality expresses this second socialized understanding of freedom in the notion of "niiso." This is justice with a trace of equality. That is the civil side of the Chechen national idea. It was used as the basis of historic standard functioning of the councils of the country.

Chechen ethics worked out not only standard institutions, but also self-stimulating methods of one's self-regulation. There was a tradition of confession before fellow villagers on the New Year eve. The tradition found the most efficient means in the ideal of konakh. That is the person who consciously undertook certain limitations and obligations. For example, to protect women and children in all possible ways. Such motivation levels go up to the activity for the benefit of the whole nation. Such outstanding konakhs included the leader of the struggle in the end of the 18th century sheikh Mansur, Beibulat Taimiyev, a fellow-fighter of Shamil Baisangur Benoyevsky, an ardent fighter against tsarism abrek Zelimkhan Kharachoyevsky. Chechens may say there no more konakhs, the people has "disintegrated." In every Chechen this assertion conceals a timid, well protected hope that there are some qualities of konakhs in himself.

Keepers of the tradition consider a modern wave of meeting activity as a step back from the times when a word of konakh was enough. Previously a taip which had no konakh of its own could hardly be considered honorable. That is another proof that moral authority of konakhs was related to the question of taips' place in common Chechen life, i.e. to the question of power.

The meeting wave in Chechnya turns out to be more dangerous than a traditional political system when taips limited their interests for the sake of national interests. Meetings are easily dominated by group and regional leaders whose aims are declared on behalf of social freedom. Taip unity presupposes a controlled discipline and self-restriction which appears on the family level, then shifts to the level of settlement structure and raises to the national level.

Considering personal characteristic of Chechens and its major parameter - perception of freedom - reveals that the given feature serves as a motive for national and state process. For Chechens individual, nation and state are closely interrelated. Such strong link was the main reason for unprecedented firmness of the people during the Caucasian war and the following periods. The trinity of individual, nation and state not just cements the Chechen tradition, it also reveals for the people ways for cooperation in the international arena. Thus, outside or inside efforts aimed at limiting one of the three components of Chechen ethnic existence lead to its destruction.

Does the principles of the mountainous democracy for which Chechens have struggled at least since the times of Timur seem utopian? The struggle has continued for centuries. In the 19th century it caused sympathy from the side of Russian peasantry - remember runaway soldiers during the Caucasian war.

It caused understanding and respect of the Russian intelligentsia.

Vainakh and Russian spirituality moves towards each other. In Chechnya it is evident everywhere. Having entered the territory of an Orthodox church in Grozny I saw a Chechen there giving out money for the poor. At the Grozny market I met a Ukrainian, who was saved from starvation in Chechnya in the 30's, he was a child then. Understanding Chechen a little, I was charmed by Chechen translations of Pushkin by a poet Zaindi Djamalkhanov and Akhmad Suleimanov. Today Hussein Khatueyv continues these great efforts of spirit.

Crime reigns in Chechnya. The Russian speaking population suffers from it, because unlike Chechens they have no taip protection. But there is no anti-Russian movement in Chechnya! At one of the first meetings in 1991 a zealous young man tried to raise a slogan saying "Russians, get out of Chechnya!" An old man standing nearby put it down to the ground with his crutch. He said to the man: "Are you going to work at barber's?"

Today a lot is being said about Russia's geopolitical space. But there are spaces of Russian and Chechen spirituality. They got in touch in ancient times: in a pantheon of gods Chechens had the heavenly god Perun. Most probably, the origins of their spirituality are common, there are proofs of that. Russia of Pushkin and Tolstoy became an inseparable part of the Chechen national self-consciousness. This self-consciousness strives for establishing independent public relations, to realize them in terms of geopolitics in their small republic. Whether or not this side of Chechen spirituality can be realized - it depends on Russia.

[14.05.2003 10:08] Jan Chesnov, "Zavtra," 1994